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The supporters of the federal campaign finance bill passed last year
knew the law would face constitutional challenges in the federal courts.
They even designed the bill to allow some of its provisions to survive if the
most obvious First Amendment violations were declared unconstitutional.
Sure enough, a federal court has struck down parts of the bill while
upholding others:
- a ban on federal candidates or officeholders soliciting "soft money"
for federal campaigns was upheld;
- stringent standards on how closely candidates and interest groups can
coordinate election activities without triggering soft money limits
were upheld;
- a ban on groups not affiliated with a candidate or party mentioning a
candidate's name in mass media ads within a month of an election
was struck down, while a backup provision banning specific support
or opposition in such ads was upheld;
- the ban on political donations by minors was struck down.
None of the parts of this decision are final, since it has been destined from
the beginning for Supreme Court review.
The stated purpose of the campaign finance legislation is to limit the
influence of money on political campaigns. Since politicians depend on large
donors to sustain their campaigns, once in office they may feel they owe
their allegiance to those donors instead of to their constituents and their
oaths of office. If the politicians can be made less dependent on such
donations, the theory is that they will be less likely to let their policy
decisions be influenced by campaign donors.
There are pragmatic arguments on both sides of this debate, but I'm
not going to address those in this column. The First Amendment case against
the campaign finance law is compelling enough to convince me to oppose it.
Spending money to use the expensive communication channels of the
mass media is just a larger scale version of printing and distributing
pamphlets with a political message. Such communications were the primary
form of speech that the Framers of the Constitution had in mind when they
wrote the First Amendment. To limit them through choking off political
donations is a direct attack on the freedom of political speech.
The campaign finance restrictions of the law are bad enough. The ban
on ads even mentioning a candidate's name during the last month of a
campaign (struck down by the court), or supporting or opposing a candidate
(incredibly, upheld by the court) is even worse.
These bans are targeted at groups who have strong opinions about a
candidate, and who want to bring those opinions before the voters at the
most critical time: when those voters are deciding whether to vote for the
candidate. In effect, the law makes it impossible for groups on either side of
important issues such as taxation and spending, abortion or gun control to
tell the voters about an incumbent's record while in office.
The goal of any program to reform the way political campaigns are
operated should be to maximize the information that voters have available
for making their decisions. Limiting the amount of political speech, as the
campaign finance law does, has the opposite effect. It also sets a dangerous
precedent in favor of government regulation of speech, in direct violation of
the First Amendment. The Supreme Court should strike down the entire law
on that ground.
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