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The Bush administration has been talking for some time about
attacking Iraq in order to replace the government of dictator Saddam
Hussein. The justifications cited for this course of action are that Iraq does
not cooperate with UN arms inspections; supports terrorist organizations;
has chemical and biological weapons, and is developing nuclear weapons;
and has demonstrated the will to use weapons of mass destruction.
Failure to submit to UN dictates does not justify talk of war by an
American administration; nor does Iraqi action against a "no-fly zone" over
their own sovereign territory. The US military should not be an enforcement
agency for an incipient world government. If we don't want our military
aircraft fired on, we should keep them out of Iraqi airspace.
On the other hand, the likelihood that Iraq may attack us or our allies
with catastrophic scope certainly justifies discussing our options for
preventing such an attack. Iraq's support of terrorism increases the
probability that any Iraqi attack would be against innocent victims, making it
even more important that it be prevented. Defeating Saddam Hussein now
may well be wiser than waiting until he has nuclear weapons at his disposal.
Think of the problems that could have been prevented if Patton had
been allowed to roll over the exhausted Soviet army at the end of World War
II; or if MacArthur had been allowed to liberate North Korea; or if we had
helped China to prevent the conquest of Mao Tse Tung's Red army.
Sometimes an ounce of prevention really is worth a pound of cure.
These are all issues that must be debated by the American people and
their representatives in Congress. Surely the Bush administration should
think about them as well, and develop their own position. But the decision
rightfully belongs to Congress; and it appears that this prerogative is about
to be violated again by the president.
Article I, Section 8 of the US Constitution grants to Congress the
exclusive power to declare war. While the Constitution designates the
president as the Commander in Chief of the armed forces, it does not give
him the power to decide when to use those forces. He is merely their highest
officer, responsible for using the military and other executive departments to
execute the will of Congress.
In all of President Bush's war talk, he has never hinted that he might
ask Congress for a declaration of war. Our nation has been involved in many
foreign wars since 1945, ironically after having renamed our Department of
War to "Department of Defense." Not one of those wars has been waged
with the legally required declaration by Congress. There is every indication
that the current administration will continue on this unconstitutional course
when it comes to dealing with Iraq.
Why is this important? Is this constitutional requirement just a relic of
the eighteenth century, which can safely be ignored?
The clearest reason to enforce the Constitution's mandate is that our
leaders must be required to obey the law. If they can pick and choose which
parts of the Constitution they will obey, we have no security against other
violations, should they become expedient. If obeying Article I, Section 8 is
optional, how about Article II, Section 1, which specifies that a new
president is to be elected every four years? Every one of the foundation
stones of our Republic would be vulnerable. The Constitution must be
enforced against all violations by any government official or department.
Returning the war powers exclusively to the hands of Congress is
important in its own right. National leaders have historically used war as a
means to deflect criticism of their leadership, or otherwise to pursue their
own agendas. Human nature hasn't changed since the adoption of the
Constitution. If we offer the temptation of unconstitutional powers to
presidents, they will tend to use those powers. Recent experiences with
President Clinton's overseas military adventures should be warning enough
to prudent Americans.
Should America attack Iraq? Let's talk about it. Let's hear what
President Bush and his advisors have to say about it. But in the end, let's
obey the Constitution and insist that Congress make the decision.
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